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                Date: 2001-07-20
                 
                 
                China, Kuba und die Internet-Gegenrevolution
                
                 
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      wer hätte das gedacht? brutal-autoritäre staaten (und nicht 
nur diese) missbrauchen das internet, um die kontrolle 
über ihre bürgerInnen nicht zu verlieren. oder diese zu festigen. 
 
[auf deutsch] 
<http://futurezone.orf.at/futurezone.orf?read=detail&id=73533&tmp=30851>htt 
p://futurezone.orf.at/futurezone.orf?read=detail&id=73533&tmp=30851 
 
[original] 
Direct link to paper:  
<http://www.ceip.org/files/Publications/wp21.asp>http://www.ceip.org/files/
                   
Publications/wp21.asp 
 
China, Cuba, and the Internet Counterrevolution  
New Working Paper Challenges Assumption that the  
Internet Defies Authoritarian Control 
 
A new Carnegie Endowment working paper finds that, contrary to conventional  
wisdom, the Internet does not necessarily spell the demise of authoritarian  
rule. Examining the cases of China and Cuba, Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor C.  
Boas, two Carnegie information revolution experts, show that authoritarian  
regimes can actually maintain control over the Internet s political impact  
and benefit from the technology. Read the full text at:  
<<http://www.ceip.org/pubs>http://www.ceip.org/pubs><http://www.ceip.org/pu
                   
bs>http://www.ceip.org/pubs
                   
 
The Internet and State Control in Authoritarian Regimes:  
China, Cuba, and the Counterrevolution  
Working Paper No. 21, by Shanthi Kalathil and Taylor C. Boas 
 
Cuba and China represent two extremes of authoritarian Internet control:  
Cuba has sought to limit the medium s political effects by carefully  
circumscribing access to the Internet, while China has promoted widespread  
access and relied on content filtering, monitoring, deterrence, and  
self-censorship. These choices of strategy reflect a more fundamental  
difference between the two regimes levels of economic liberalization. China  
has promoted widespread Internet access to capitalize on the economic  
potential of a booming information sector and technologically savvy  
workforce, while Cuba, less committed to a market economy, has been willing  
to forgo some of the Internet s potential economic benefits. 
 
Kalathil and Boas show that China and Cuba, despite their strategy  
differences, have effectively limited use of the Internet to challenge the  
government. Beijing, for instance, has responded harshly to the Falun Gong  
s use of the Internet with a series of technological measures, restrictive  
laws, and well-publicized crackdowns, making it more difficult for  
followers to communicate. Havana has carefully meted out access among civil  
society organizations according to their political orientation while  
dissident and human rights organizations have little hope of even gaining  
access. Both governments have also been successful in making extensive use  
of the Internet as a propaganda tool, partly by setting up their own web  
sites to disseminate the official government line. 
 
In a field where scholarly work has only begun to tread, this working paper  
sets out a framework for analyzing the Internet strategies of different  
authoritarian regimes, and helps to shed light on the impact of the  
Internet on authoritarian rule in general. 
 
Shanthi Kalathil, associate in the Information Revolution and World  
Politics Project at the Carnegie Endowment, has written extensively on  
Chinese market reforms and the political impact of the information revolution. 
 
Taylor C. Boas, project associate in the Information Revolution and World  
Politics Project, has published several articles on the impact of the  
Internet in authoritarian regimes, with particular emphasis on Cuba. 
 
 
 
 
 
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edited by Harkank 
published on: 2001-07-20 
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